A Transition for the Philippines
The constitutional imperative to uphold democratic integrity necessitates the lawful removal of a compromised presidency and the installation of a duly elected vice president. A transition plan must be initiated within the next 90 days to ensure institutional stability and public trust.
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Presidential Atrophy and the Crisis of Democratic Governance
The Philippine presidency, as currently constituted, faces a profound crisis of legitimacy and competence. The critique directed at President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. transcends partisan rhetoric and enters the realm of constitutional urgency. As articulated by Senator Miguel Zubiri, the absence of legacy projects after three years in office signals not merely administrative stagnation but a deeper institutional atrophy. This failure is compounded by allegations of collusion with the Speaker of the House—his first cousin—in the misappropriation of public funds on a scale unprecedented since the Commonwealth era. Such accusations, if substantiated, constitute not only a betrayal of public trust but also a culpable violation of the Constitution, thereby activating the mechanisms of presidential accountability under Article XI, Section 2.
Constitutional Provisions for Succession and the Role of the Vice President
The 1987 Constitution provides a clear and unambiguous framework for presidential succession. Article VII, Section 8 states: “In case of death, permanent disability, removal from office, or resignation of the President, the Vice-President shall become the President to serve the unexpired term.” This provision is not aspirational—it is operational. It was invoked in 2001 when Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo assumed the presidency following the ouster of President Joseph Estrada, a precedent that affirms the viability of constitutional transfer of power under conditions of executive failure.
Vice President Sara Duterte, having been duly elected, stands as the constitutional successor should the presidency be vacated. Her high approval and trust ratings further reinforce her legitimacy as a stabilizing figure in a moment of national crisis. The imperative is not to circumvent democratic processes but to activate them in defense of the Republic.
Electoral Integrity and Institutional Complicity
The integrity of electoral processes has come under severe scrutiny. The role of Smartmatic, a private technology provider, in determining electoral outcomes raises concerns about the privatization of democratic sovereignty. The Commission on Elections (Comelec), entrusted with safeguarding electoral integrity, has been implicated in decisions that undermine public confidence. These include the disenfranchisement of the Duterte Youth partylist, the controversial extension of Yeddah Romualdez’s congressional tenure, and the disqualification of a proclaimed candidate in favor of the runner-up—a move that violates the jurisdictional boundaries of the House Electoral Tribunal.
Such actions suggest a pattern of institutional complicity that erodes the democratic mandate. The Comelec’s perceived bias and procedural irregularities necessitate a comprehensive audit and reform. Until such reforms are undertaken, the legitimacy of future elections remains in question, particularly when those accused of plundering trillions of pesos possess the financial capacity to manipulate outcomes.
The Armed Forces and the Spirit of People Power
Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution mandates the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) to serve the people and protect the state. This clause is rooted in the legacy of the 1986 People Power Revolution, which demonstrated the military’s capacity to align with democratic aspirations. However, the AFP’s current posture—marked by reluctance to withdraw support from a compromised presidency—raises ethical and constitutional concerns. If the military becomes an instrument of executive impunity rather than a guardian of democratic order, it forfeits its constitutional mandate and risks alienating the citizenry.
The AFP must be reminded that its loyalty lies not with any individual but with the Republic and its people. A failure to act in defense of constitutional integrity constitutes a dereliction of duty and a betrayal of the democratic covenant.
Historical Lessons and the Danger of Repetition
The 1986 snap elections, followed by the ouster of President Marcos Sr., were a watershed moment in Philippine history. They exposed the perils of electoral manipulation, authoritarian consolidation, and institutional decay. The suffering endured in the aftermath—marked by economic instability, political fragmentation, and social unrest—serves as a cautionary tale. To repeat such mistakes is to condemn the nation to another cycle of trauma and regression.
The current crisis echoes the conditions of 1986: a presidency accused of corruption, an electoral system under siege, and a citizenry demanding accountability. The lessons of history must inform present action. The Constitution provides the tools; the people must provide the will.
Legal Pathways to Presidential Removal
The removal of a sitting president must adhere to constitutional processes. Article XI, Section 2 outlines the grounds for impeachment: culpable violation of the Constitution, treason, bribery, graft and corruption, other high crimes, or betrayal of public trust. These provisions are not ornamental—they are enforceable. If the allegations against President Marcos Jr. meet these criteria, then impeachment proceedings must be initiated without delay.
Alternatively, mass resignation or voluntary stepping down, as occurred in 2001, remains a lawful and peaceful pathway. The jurisprudence established by the Arroyo succession affirms that extra-judicial removal, when supported by constitutional principles and public consensus, can restore democratic order.
Proposed Time Frame for Transition
To ensure institutional stability and public trust, a structured transition plan must be implemented. The following time frame is proposed:
- Week 1–2: Initiate impeachment proceedings in Congress or secure voluntary resignation through political negotiation and public pressure.
- Week 3–4: Confirm the constitutional succession of Vice President Sara Duterte through formal proclamation and oath-taking.
- Week 5–8: Establish a transitional governance framework, including the formation of an independent commission to audit public funds and investigate allegations of corruption.
- Week 9–12: Launch electoral reforms, including the review of Comelec operations, Smartmatic contracts, and the establishment of safeguards against electoral manipulation.
- Week 13–14: Convene a national dialogue involving civil society, the AFP, and key stakeholders to reaffirm democratic commitments and chart a path forward.
This 90-day transition plan balances urgency with procedural integrity. It ensures that the removal of the president is not a descent into chaos but a reassertion of constitutional order.
Conclusion: The Ethical Imperative of Democratic Renewal
The crisis confronting the Philippine presidency is not merely political—it is ethical. It demands a response that honors the Constitution, protects the people, and restores faith in democratic institutions. The removal of President Marcos Jr., if pursued through lawful means, is not a coup—it is a constitutional correction. The installation of Vice President Sara Duterte, backed by public trust and electoral legitimacy, offers a pathway to renewal.
Mr. Alan Cayetano’s defense of the status quo must be met with principled resistance. The Constitution is not the problem; it is the solution. The real threat lies in the erosion of its spirit by those who wield power without accountability. The time to act is now—not in defiance of democracy, but in its defense.
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Sources:
Presidential Term Limits After Impeachment in Philippine Constitution
Understanding Impeachment in the Philippines: A Complete Guide - NDV Law
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Amiel Gerald Roldan
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Amiel Gerald A. Roldan: a multidisciplinary Filipino artist, poet, researcher, and cultural worker whose practice spans painting, printmaking, photography, installation, academic writing, and trauma-informed mythmaking. He is deeply rooted in cultural memory, postcolonial critique, and speculative cosmology, and in bridging creative practice with scholarly infrastructure—building counter-archives, annotating speculative poetry like Southeast Asian manuscripts, and fostering regional solidarity through ethical collaboration.
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